Free nations league

“Before uniting, and in order to unite, we must first resolutely and definitively separate.”
— Vladimir Lenin

The Fall of the Regime and the Independence of Bashkortostan is Inevitable.

The leader of the world revolution was certainly a devil of sorts. He caused the deaths of millions of people to achieve his goal, and he cannot serve as our model. However, we can use his strategies, experience, and tangible results to come to power in the republic ourselves and lead it to independence.
It Is essential to instill in the people of Bashkortostan, through daily agitation and propaganda, that the independence of the republic is an inevitable process and will certainly happen. The collapse of Putin’s regime will occur regardless. Revolutionary events will unfold in the country, and at that moment, we can and must seize power in the republic.

Firstly, we need to establish the Bashkirs as the main indigenous, nation-forming people. They are the masters of their land. The Bashkirs are the driving force of the entire political nation in Bashkortostan, as has been repeatedly demonstrated by significant events in the republic over the past ten years.

Factor 1
The Colonial Status of Bashkortostan within the “Federation”

When addressing the Bashkirs, it is essential to emphasize the unique role of the Bashkir people in defending their land. This should be supported by pointing out that it is the Bashkirs, and only the Bashkirs, who have fought and revolted for centuries to protect their territories. Cite the epic “Ural-Batyr,” where the hero bequeathed to the Bashkirs the duty to preserve their land, and Ural-Batyr himself sacrificed his life for peace. The Ural Mountains are described as the cradle of the Bashkir people, the very body of Ural-Batyr.

It is crucial to constantly remind the Bashkirs of the reasons behind the imprisonment of Ayrat Dilmukhametov, Fayil Alsynov, and Ramilya Saytova. The topic of the Baymak events should be frequently discussed. The Bashkirs are in prison primarily because they stood up to defend their land. Remind them continually of the victory at Kushtau, reinforcing the notion that the Bashkirs are capable of winning. It is also important to frequently mention that Bashkir land is continually being plundered, with its natural resources being extracted, misappropriated by greedy oligarchs, and seized by foreign businessmen.

At the same time, the Bashkirs are losing their pastures, hayfields, and communal lands. They are deprived of forests that are ruthlessly cut down, lakes that are taken over by incoming businessmen, and access to their own lakes and ponds (in the Abzelilovsky, Beloretsky, and Baymak districts).

Resource-extraction companies leave behind barren landscapes and devastated land. Heavy trucks damage roads and leave them muddy, while officials fail to repair them.

It is important to keep reminding people that under Article 9 of the 1993 Constitution, all land and natural resources of the Republic of Bashkortostan belong to its multi-ethnic people. However, Moscow pressured to amend this article, and now Moscow controls our resources at its discretion.

Factor 2
The Nation-forming Indigenous People

It is important for the citizens of Bashkortostan to be constantly reminded that the Bashkirs are the indigenous people of the republic. They have existed here as a nation for thousands of years. We, the Bashkirs, are an ancient people who have always lived on this land. The republic is named after the Bashkir people. The Bashkirs have no other land besides this one. In times of difficulty, a Russian, for example, can always move to any Russian region where his people live and receive support there. A Tatar can move to Tatarstan, a Chuvash to Chuvashia, as these are their indigenous republics. But the Bashkirs have nowhere else to go. Their land is here – the Republic of Bashkortostan.

Factor 3
Bashkortostan has a legal right to establish its own independent state.

It is necessary to continually emphasize that the Bashkirs have an inherent right to self-determination according to Article 3 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the Declaration on Principles of International Law, which states that sovereignty and equality of peoples include their equal and free right to join or form states, as well as to create their own sovereign states and determine their form. The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, both dated December 16, 1966 (Article 1 in both), affirm:

“All peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development.”

When it is argued that the right to self-determination of nations contradicts the right of states to territorial integrity, it should be explained that the principle of territorial integrity does not apply to states that do not ensure the equality of their peoples and do not allow for their free self-determination. Alongside arguments about the right of nations to self-determination, it must be emphasized that we, the Bashkirs, are not subjects of the Russians and have the right to establish our own independent state. It should also be noted that on October 11, 1990, the Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (BASSR) was transformed into the Bashkir Soviet Socialist Republic — Bashkortostan — upon adopting the Declaration of State Sovereignty. Thus, the republic lost its status as an autonomous entity and was elevated to the status of a union republic, which meant it had the right to independence and secession from the USSR according to Article 17 of the USSR Constitution — “Each union republic retains the right to freely secede from the USSR.”

Bashkortostan signed the Federal Treaty of 1992 with Russia as a sovereign union state. The Declaration of State Sovereignty declares that land, subsoil, natural resources, economic, scientific and technical potential are the property of the multinational people of the republic; defines the contractual nature of the republic’s relations with the Russian Federation; establishes that Bashkortostan assists in meeting the national-cultural needs of Bashkir people living outside the republic; and proclaims the principles of building a rule-of-law state.

It must be constantly reminded that the conditions of the last treaty of 1994 between the Republic of Bashkortostan and the Russian Federation were unilaterally violated by Moscow. This is similar to the previous two treaties: the treaties of Bashkir tribes with Ivan IV and the agreement signed by the government of the Republic of Bashkurdistan and the Soviet government on March 20, 1919.
Thus, Moscow has continuously deceived us, and we should no longer trust it or sign another fourth treaty. Since the last treaty with Moscow was violated by Putin, the Republic of Bashkortostan nullifies all agreements with Moscow and is no longer obligated to follow Russian laws. Now, the Republic of Bashkortostan will strive only for full independence.

Factor 4
Constant Oppression of Bashkirs by Russians

As a result of the continuous settlement of colonists on Bashkir lands, today the Bashkirs have become a minority on their own native soil. The man-made famine (Zur Aslyk) of 1921 led to the deaths of over 700,000 Bashkirs. This has resulted in the Bashkirs now being only the second-largest ethnic group in the Republic of Bashkortostan.

Due to the policy of ethnocide implemented by Russian authorities, the Bashkirs have been declining in number for the second consecutive census. According to the 2010 census, the Bashkirs decreased by 88,000 people, and according to the 2020 census, by another 13,000 people. In other words, over 18 years, 100,000 Bashkirs have disappeared. Additionally, there is a deliberate recruitment of Bashkirs for the war. For example, over 10,000 Bashkirs have been mobilized from the Trans-Urals region alone.
All positions in the controlling and punitive bodies of the Republic of Bashkortostan — the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB, the Prosecutor’s Office, the Investigative Committee, the FSIN, and the Military Commissariat — are occupied by Russians. They carry out punitive actions, conduct repressions, and falsify criminal cases against Bashkirs. Today, Russian nationalist organizations such as the “Russian Community” and “Russian Bashkortostan” operate openly in the republic. They promote the goal of liquidating the republic and transforming it into the Ufa Province. In recent years, members of these organizations have openly paraded through the cities of the republic with imperial flags and performed Nazi salutes. They engage in hand-to-hand combat and knife fights in central parks of Bashkortostan’s cities, preparing for imminent confrontations with the Bashkirs.

These Russian nationalist organizations are supported by the Prime Minister of Bashkortostan, Andrey Nazarov. He sponsors them, pays for the rental of offices and gyms. There is open discrimination against Bashkirs in their own republic.

Factor 5
Religious Oppression of Bashkirs

The overwhelming majority of Bashkirs are Muslims and practice Islam. Most are secular Muslims who perform religious rites once a year, give their children Bashkir Muslim names in religious ceremonies, marry through the nikah ceremony, and conduct funerals with recitations from the Quran. Despite this, Bashkirs identify as Muslims, and very few belong to other religious denominations. There are a significant number of atheists, but among them, there are few staunch opponents of Islam. Bashkirs adopted Islam centuries ago. Under the banner of Islam, they led uprisings against the Russian Empire. The last Bashkir burned at the stake in the Russian Empire was a Bashkir woman, Kisyabika Bayryasova, who was executed for returning to Islam after being forcibly baptized. Bashkirs are quite devout and do not tolerate any encroachments on their faith. This factor should be a cornerstone in their struggle for rights and independence.

For example, it should be constantly highlighted that a mosque, Ar-Rahim, has yet to be built in the center of Ufa. Funds allocated for it are misappropriated. It should be repeatedly mentioned that 2/3 of the population in the republic are Muslims, and in Ufa, Muslims make up 50% of the population, yet there are half as many mosques as churches. It is crucial to point out that Russians are erecting Orthodox crosses on Bashkir lands without the permission of local residents. By doing so, they claim the territory as their own and later rename these places with Russian names. Indigenous Bashkir names are changed, and the land is transformed into Russian territory. For instance, on the Pavlovsk Reservoir, there is a rock called Kakharman-Kaya, but Russians unlawfully placed a cross there and renamed it “Twelve Apostles.” In 2023, Bashkirs removed this cross, but the Russians reinstated it with the support of local complicit authorities. This demonstrates that the local authorities prioritize Russian interests over those of the Muslim population.

Conflicts based on the oppression of Muslims in the republic have been ongoing for a long time. For example, in 2014, Russian nationalists from the “Patriot” organization in Kumertau, led by their leader Vitaly Lugovoi, went to the home of a local mullah. They beat him and his family and shot them with traumatic weapons. No one was held accountable. It is essential to constantly emphasize that in this Muslim republic, there are repressions against Muslims but not against Orthodox Christians.

Factor 6
Oppression of the Bashkir Language

Since Radiy Khabirov came to power, there has been a systematic destruction of ethnic languages. The status of ethnic languages has worsened year by year. In 2007, the “ethnic-regional component” was abolished, which deprived republic of the right to teach subjects related to the history, culture, ecology, and geography of Bashkortostan, as well as to publish textbooks on these subjects.

Furthermore, in 2009, a law was enacted requiring all students in Russia to take the Unified State Exam (USE) exclusively in Russian. Consequently, in Bashkir schools where previously all subjects, including those in the exact sciences (physics, algebra, geometry, chemistry, IT), were taught in Bashkir, these subjects have since 2009 been taught only in Russian. This has downgraded the Bashkir language to a domestic and colloquial language, rendering it inadequate for scientific study, the description of modern achievements, and other areas. This has severely impacted the Bashkir language and created favorable conditions for the assimilation of Bashkirs. In the most remote villages, where not a single Russian person lives, today children on the street speak to each other in Russian.

In 2009, the Bashkir language was listed in the UNESCO “Atlas of the World’s Languages” as “endangered,” receiving the status of “vulnerable” — “most children speak the language, but its usage may be limited (e.g., to everyday use).” Over the past 15 years, an entire generation of children has been educated in Russian, meaning they will be unable to contribute to the development of the Bashkir language. According to 2010 data, more than 30% of Bashkirs at that time did not consider Bashkir their native language. It can be confidently stated that this percentage has only increased since then.
In 2017, a third blow was dealt to national languages when Vladimir Putin declared at a conference in Yoshkar-Ola that it was unacceptable to force the study of non-native state languages of the national republics of the federation, aside from Russian. As a result, these languages were removed from the mandatory school curriculum. In the summer of 2018, the State Duma of Russia codified the strict voluntariness of native language study. Amendments were made to the federal law “On Education.”
Since then, to study the Bashkir language in school, parents must write a request to the principal to allow their child to study their native language in their own republic. If fewer than 7 children wish to study the native language in a class, for example, only 6, the language will not be taught. Additionally, a new “Regulation on the Assignment of Territories” was introduced, which stipulates that if a Russian child lives near a Bashkir school (gymnasium) and finds it difficult to travel to schools with Russian instruction, they can enroll in the Bashkir school and must be accepted. As per Putin’s law, since the child is not required to study a non-native language, a special program with Russian instruction must be provided for them.

On the sole republican Bashkir satellite TV channel, the amount of programming in Bashkir has been reduced to 15% of the total airtime, and all programs in Tatar, which Bashkirs understand without translation, have been removed. The production of Bashkir-language literature has decreased, and the number of young writers and poets is in the single digits. Within one or two generations, there may be no one left to read in Bashkir. This represents an overtly hostile and chauvinistic policy by Moscow aimed at the destruction of ethnic languages, which can be characterized as linguistic genocide.

Factor 7
Cultural Oppression of Bashkirs

Moscow’s authorities have subordinated Bashkir culture to their own interests. Bashkirs are treated as a folkloric people, expected to entertain “important and esteemed” guests from Moscow with traditional performances, offering chak-chak and kumis, playing the kurai, and dancing with a samovar on their heads. This is all that remains of our cultural heritage. Any attempt to use our culture to discuss our tragic past, the hardships and sufferings endured by our people, is immediately censored by Moscow and blocked.

For instance, in 2021, a decree from Moscow removed the play “The Tale of Kisyabika” from the repertoire of the Sterlitamak State Bashkir Drama Theater. The play, based on real events from the 18th century, tells the story of Kisyabika Bayryasova, a Bashkir peasant who lived from 1679 to 1739. After participating in a Bashkir uprising, she was forcibly baptized in Yekaterinburg and enslaved. After three escape attempts and returning to Islam, she was burned alive in the central square of Yekaterinburg. Moscow finds it inconvenient to discuss how it oppressed Bashkirs, and these historical moments are hidden from us; when we attempt to speak about them, our voices are silenced.

In 2015, the National Museum of Bashkortostan organized an exhibition about the ARA (American Relief Administration) mission in famine-stricken Bashkiria, but the exhibition was closed the next day after a call from Moscow. The ARA provided food, supplies, and medical aid to Bashkiria during the artificial famine (Zur Aslyk) of 1921, created by the so-called “grain requisition.” Communists confiscated livestock, grain, and all food supplies from the Bashkir population, leaving them to starve. According to historians, 89% of the population of Bashkiria was starving in 1921, and over 700,000 Bashkirs died from hunger. The ARA, under Colonel Walter Bell, saved the Bashkirs from complete extinction. Occupation authorities in the republic began to ban traditional Bashkir gatherings, known as “yiyin” calling them extremist assemblies.

In the summer of 2023, construction began on the All Saints Orthodox Church in Ufa on the site of the ancient city of Bashkort, which existed long before Ufa. Andrey Nazarov, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Bashkortostan, who was appointed to the government by Radiy Khabirov, and who had previously been convicted of gang-raping a Bashkir girl, promoted the idea of building the church on the site of Bashkort. This was done intentionally to ensure that Bashkirs would lose all remnants of the ancient city and would not be able to substantiate the existence of the ancient Bashkir capital. Moscow and the Russian population of the republic prefer to establish the founding of Ufa with the arrival of Russian streltsy in 1574 under the command of voivode Mikhail Nagoi, rather than the founding of the city of Bashkort by the Bashkirs, which predates Ufa by several centuries. This is what the Moscow authorities aim for—to make Bashkirs forget their true culture and history. It is easier to govern a people disconnected from their roots and adopting the culture of their occupiers. Today, the occupying authorities are actively involving Bashkirs in celebrating Orthodox Easter, the pagan festival of Maslenitsa, and instilling the practice of bathing in ice holes on Epiphany. They want Bashkirs to forget their own culture and adopt Russian culture.

Factor 8
Replacing Bashkir National Heroes

In recent years, there has been an effort to replace genuine Bashkir national heroes. Moscow is attempting to erase from national memory those who fought for the freedom of the Bashkir people, their religion, and their land, while promoting those who defended Moscow’s interests. After the removal of Murtaza Rakhimov, attacks began on Ahmed-Zaki Validi, the founder of the First Bashkir Republic. Unsubstantiated accusations of collaboration with Hitler were leveled against him. Bashkir activists repeatedly requested evidence from the KGB and FSB archives, but were consistently informed that no such evidence existed.

Despite this, the enemies of the Bashkirs are not deterred. Their aim is simply to tarnish the reputation of the great Bashkir figure by throwing baseless accusations. Bashkirs are then forced into a position where they waste time and energy trying to disprove these lies.

Recently, there have been attacks on the name of Bashkir national hero Salavat Yulaev, who is now openly called a bandit and outlaw fighting against the state. There have also been attacks on Bashkir hero Aldar Isyaqeev (Aldar-batyr), with Russian nationalists opposing the installation of his monument in the city of Baymak. In place of these Bashkir heroes, the name of Soviet General Meningali Shaymuratov, who fought and died for the Soviet Union, is being promoted. The name of Karim Hakimov (Red Pasha), a communist who opposed the Bashkir government and leader Ahmed-Zaki Validi, is also being revived.

These efforts are bearing fruit. Monuments to Ahmed-Zaki Validi are being removed everywhere. His statues have been taken down from St. Petersburg University, the Ahmed-Zaki Validi Square in Sibay was demolished, and his bust was recently removed from the village of Temyasovo in the Baymak district under the pretext of renovation.

In contrast, giant monuments to Soviet General Shaymuratov have been erected in Ufa and the village of Shaymuratovo. For the 450th anniversary of Ufa, the main landmark on the commemorative coin was not the famous monument to Salavat Yulaev, but a monument to Meningali Shaymuratov. All of this is done with the goal of making Bashkirs forget their heroes who fought and sacrificed their lives for Bashkir freedom. Moscow’s authorities do not want Bashkirs to remember their true heroes and to have monuments in their honor in the republic.

Factor 9
Persecution of National Leaders and Organizations

Moscow’s authorities have always suppressed the Bashkirs and their aspirations for freedom. Any Bashkir who protested against the oppression of the Russian Empire faced repression. This was true 300 years ago when Bashkir heroes were executed or sent into exile, and it continues today. Historical Bashkir heroes such as Aldar-batyr Isyaqeev (hung by the ribs), Murat Sultan, Dyumey Ishkeev (hanged), Bepenya Toropberdin (executed by breaking wheel), and Tulkuchura Aldagulov were among those executed or punished. The Bashkir leader of the 1812 war, Kahym-turya, was poisoned by Russian generals. National heroes such as Batyrsha, Salavat Yulaev, Kilmiyak Nurushev, Akai Kusyumov, Yusup Arykov, Yulaman Kushayev, and Yulai Aznalin were imprisoned or exiled.

The 20th century saw similar patterns of persecution. The famous Bashkir poet and educator Miftakhutdin Akmulla was imprisoned for four years for refusing to serve in the tsarist army and was later killed by hired assassins. Bashkir poet Shaikhzada Babich was brutally murdered by Red Army soldiers after the Bashkir government sided with Soviet authorities. Leaders of the Bashkir people, such as Ahmed-Zaki Validi, Galimyan Togan, and Mukhammed-Gabdulkhay Kurbangaleev, were forced to leave their homeland. In 1937, Bashkir political figures were repressed on charges of being involved in nationalist insurrectionist organizations: the Bashkir Central Executive Committee chairman Afzal Tagirov, military commissar and chairman of the republic’s Central Executive Committee Musa Murtazin, chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Bashkir ASSR Z. G. Bulashov, party regional secretary A. R. Isanchurin, republic State Planning Committee chairman Sh. Dautov, the Bashkir Central Executive Committee secretary H. Kalmetyev, education commissar I. H. Abyzbaev, Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars (1921-1925) Mullahyan Khalikov, Bashkir Government Chairman (1918) Yunus Bikbov, Nuriagzam Tagirov, Riza Abubakirov, Ildarhan Mutin, Gabbras Davletshin, writers Daut Yulty, Gabdulla Amantay, Gubay Davletshin, Tukhvat Yanabi, Imay Nasiri, Muslum Marat, Husain Kunakbay, Shagar Sharaf, Mukhametsha Burangulov, and many others. In the later Soviet period, the great Bashkir poet Rami Garipov was persecuted by the Soviet regime.

Today, the persecution of Bashkir public and political figures continues. Known Bashkir political figure Ayrat Dilmukhametov is serving his third prison term, Ramilya Saitova is serving her second one, Rustam Fararitdinov has been imprisoned, the “Bashkort” organization has been banned, and its first chairman, Faiyl Alsynov, was sentenced to four years. Fanzil Akhmetshin, Sagit Ismagilov, and many others have also been convicted. Many Bashkir public and political figures have been forced to leave their homeland, including Ruslan Gabbasov, Ishmurat Khaybullin, Ruslan Valiev, Altynay Valitov, Ruslan Suleymanov, and others. Following the Baymak events of 2024, over 80 Bashkirs were imprisoned.

Factor 10
Moscow’s Appropriation of Natural Resources and Republic Revenues

Bashkir land has always been a resource colony for Moscow, which has been extracting its natural wealth for centuries. Starting with the industrial-scale hunting of valuable furs like sable, ermine, marten, beaver, and silver fox, and quickly depleting these resources, the colonizers then moved on to exploiting natural resources. A vast amount of Bashkir lands were seized, including territories in present-day Chelyabinsk, Orenburg, parts of Perm, Sverdlovsk, Kurgan, Samara, and Saratov regions of Russia. Today, the territory of the Republic of Bashkortostan is only a small fraction of the original Bashkir lands. Large quantities of commercial timber were cut down, and for several centuries, iron ore has been mined from Mount Atas (Magnetic Mountain). The Bashkirs received nothing from the exploitation of this mountain’s resources. Millions of tons of oil, cubic meters of natural gas, gold, silver, coal, copper, manganese, chromium, jasper, malachite, and many other minerals have been extracted from Bashkir land. Despite having powerful factories and enterprises producing strategic goods, the republic does not benefit from these enterprises. The revenues are taken by Moscow, while the enterprises themselves are owned by oligarchs close to Putin. The Republic of Bashkortostan sends more than 70% of its revenues to Moscow and then humbly requests funds to maintain its economy, infrastructure, and public welfare. The male population of the republic is forced to seek work in the North or sign contracts with the military and participate in brutal expansionist wars.

Factor 11
Ongoing Assimilation

A century ago, every Bashkir knew their language, but today a third of Bashkirs no longer consider Bashkir their native language. Assimilation is occurring on a large scale. The system of Bashkir education has been completely destroyed. Bashkir is taught in schools only one hour per week, and students are not taught the true history of the Bashkir people, including their struggle against Russian invaders. Educational institutions instill the idea that Bashkirs should be grateful to the Russian people for everything, claiming that Russians built everything, taught them everything, and provided everything. A sense of learned helplessness is encouraged, with Bashkirs being told that if they ever wanted to separate and live independently, they would not be able to and would inevitably fail.

Bashkirs, a people who never drank anything stronger than kumis, are now rapidly succumbing to alcoholism, losing their moral character and traditions. Respect for elders is disappearing, also influenced by Russian customs. Russian traditions, such as celebrating Maslenitsa, bathing in ice-cold water during the Orthodox holiday of Epiphany, and dyeing eggs for Easter, are being adopted. The government encourages mixed marriages between Bashkirs and Russians, providing grants for films that promote mixed marriages and assimilation (e.g., the film “From Ufa with Love”). On a state level, Bashkirs and other ethnic groups are being indoctrinated to view themselves as Russians.

Factor12
Economic Exploitation of Bashkortostan

What is the economic situation of the Republic of Bashkortostan today? It boasts over three thousand deposits of strategic mineral resources, including oil, gas, coal, iron ores, manganese, chromites, copper, lead, aluminum, zinc, gold, bauxite, tungsten, tin, quartz crystal, fluorite, Iceland spar, sulfur pyrite, barite, silicates, silica, asbestos, talc, and precious, ornamental, and natural stones like malachite, jasper, and granite.

In terms of oil production, Bashkortostan ranks 9th in the Russian Federation, and in oil refining and production of petroleum products, it holds the 1st place.

The region has a developed machine-building sector with around 300 large and medium-sized enterprises. It produces aircraft engines, helicopters, buses, and trolleybuses, and accounts for 19% of caustic soda production and 58% of calcined soda production in Russia. It is also the only producer of white carbon and baking soda in Russia. However, all strategic enterprises in the republic are owned by Putin’s friends — oligarchs. The owners of Bashkir enterprises include figures such as Igor Sechin (“Bashneft”), the Rotenberg brothers (BSC “Soda”), Alexey Miller (Gazprom Neft-Khimprom), Iskander Makhmudov (UGMK), and Anatoly Serdyukov (UMPO). They are registered in Moscow or other regions, and thus pay their taxes there. The republic’s budget is nearly equivalent to the revenue from just the use of subsoil resources by PJSC ANK Bashneft ($4.02 billion and $3.94 billion respectively), not including Bashneft’s tax contributions of $2.85 billion.

In other words, from all the republic’s official revenues, just “Bashneft” alone could sustain Bashkortostan at its current level of social and infrastructure support. Yet the republic owns only 25% of Bashneft’s shares. These are dividends that Igor Sechin can choose to distribute at his discretion, which means he might fully pay them out one year and not at all the next. But Bashneft represents less than a quarter of the actual revenue from all enterprises in the republic. This illustrates the extent of Moscow’s exploitation of our republic.

The official GDP per capita in Bashkortostan is $6,642. The actual GDP per capita is $13,111 (in absolute monetary terms based on the weighted average currency exchange rate in the country). By purchasing power parity, the Republic should be on the level of Croatia or Portugal. But who would say that Croatia or Portugal are poor? Yet Bashkortostan is so impoverished that its residents are forced to seek work elsewhere on a rotational basis or sign contracts to fight in Ukraine.

Conclusion

If the Bashkirs do not achieve independence and establish their own national state within the next 30 years, they are doomed to assimilation and extinction as a distinct people.